Untangling Balinese Binding without Agreement
Deniz Satik, Shannon Bryant
February 2021
 

Voice alternations in Balinese interact with reflexives in a way that Wechsler (1999) argues is problematic to Minimalist theories of binding. In simple sentences, promotion of a DP to subject position does not render it a potential antecedent for reflexive binding, suggesting that the landing site for Balinese subjects is an A’-position. But in raising constructions, the raised subject may seemingly bind an anaphor within the matrix VP, suggesting that subjects rather land in an A-position. Wechsler dubs this paradox the "Balinese Bind." This paper has two goals: first, we present novel evidence showing that Balinese complex anaphors may be interpreted logophorically even in the presence of a syntactic coargument. Second, we propose a solution to the Balinese Bind that builds on Charnavel (2019)’s logophoric A-binder hypothesis. We show that this proposal is better able to account for the interpretive constraints observed in raising constructions than previous proposals, and we discuss implications of Balinese reflexives for Agree-based theories generally. This paper concludes that although both theories provide a Minimalist account of this paradox, Charnavel’s analysis is better able to account for the interpretive constraints observed in raising constructions.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/005336
(please use that when you cite this article)
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keywords: balinese, binding, anaphora, agreement, syntax
previous versions: v1 [July 2020]
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