Untangling Balinese Binding without Agreement
Deniz Satik, Shannon Bryant
July 2020

Voice alternations in Balinese interact with reflexives in a way that Wechsler (1999) argues is problematic to standard theories of binding. In simple sentences, binding from Spec,TP is not possible, suggesting that Spec,TP is an A’-position. But in raising constructions, a subject may seemingly bind an anaphor within an experiencer-PP from Spec,TP: this is a property associated with A-positions. This paradox is dubbed the "Balinese Bind" (BB) by Wechsler. We have two goals: first, we present novel evidence showing that awakne, the complex anaphor, is at least optionally interpreted as a logophor in any syntactic context. Second, we argue that awakne must be interpreted as a logophor in the Balinese Bind construction, and adopting Charnavel (2019)’s analysis, we argue that the experiencer anaphor is actually bound by a local perspectival center, and not from Spec,TP, providing a novel solution for the BB problem in a minimalist framework. In addition, such interpretive constraints cannot be accounted for by either Wechsler, or Levin (2014)’s agree-based solution of the BB. We conclude by noting that the data presented here contradicts a crosslinguistic generalization made by Haspelmath (2008) among others.
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Reference: lingbuzz/005336
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keywords: balinese, binding, anaphora, agreement, syntax
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