Wanting, acquiescing, and neg-raising
Frank Staniszewski
May 2019

I argue that neg-raised readings for 'want' are the result of 'want' expressing an underlying weak (existential) quantificational force, which gives rise to globally strong (¬∃) meanings under negation. The stronger universal interpretation that is attested for non-negated want, then, is derived as an implicature, in a manner analogous to Free Choice disjunction, as analyzed in Fox (2007). As evidence for this, I present new data from various downward entailing environments where the underlying weak meaning for 'want' can be detected in the form of acquiescence readings (which are unavailable in upward-entailing environments).
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/005284
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Proceedings of NELS 49
keywords: neg-raising, desire, free choice, polarity sensitivity, modality, exhaustification, semantics, syntax
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