On two distinct addressee-loci in imperative syntax
Gurmeet Kaur
September 2019
 

Recent syntactic approaches to addressee-encoding in imperatives argue that ALL imperatives reference the addressee via the unique imperative-specific Jussive Phrase, which hosts a 2nd person feature that agrees with the subject to derive addressee-restriction (Zanuttini 2008; Zanuttini, Pak & Portner 2012). The uniqueness of addressee-locus in imperative syntax cannot be maintained in light of the imperative with allocutivity in Punjabi (Indo-Aryan), which bans imperative-specific 2nd person ending found in standard imperatives. Instead, it obligatorily appears with the clause-type independent allocutive ending, which underlies an Addressee-DP located in the Addressee Phrase. I demonstrate that the lack of the imperative-specific ending in said imperative is not only morphological, but also syntactic, in that the structure lacks the Jussive Phrase altogether. The minimally specified pro subject in the allocutive imperative is licensed via agreement with the Addressee-DP. Crucially, formation of the imperative via agreement with the Addressee-DP instead of the Jussive head has non-trivial consequences for its usage - it is restricted to contexts with a specific addressee. This leads to two main claims: (i) imperative subjects do not obligatorily require the construction-specific Jussive Phrase to be licensed and can agree instead with the Addressee-DP to derive addressee-restriction, and (ii) distinct interpretative effects in imperatives constituted of the Addressee-DP instead of the Jussive head further substantiate two distinct addressee-loci in syntax, which differ not only with regard to their argumental status and restriction to a clause-type, but also their encoding of pragmatic specificity (in the sense of Hill 2007, 2013).
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004871
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Under review
keywords: addressee, allocutivity, imperatives, jussive, punjabi, korean, syntax
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