Presuppositional Exhaustification
Itai Bassi, Guillermo Del Pinal, Uli Sauerland
December 2020

Grammatical theories of Scalar Implicatures make use of an exhaustivity operator "exh", which asserts the conjunction of the prejacent with the negation of excludable alternatives. We present a new Grammatical theory of Scalar Implicatures according to which "exh" is replaced with "pex", an operator that contributes its prejacent as asserted content, but the negation of scalar alternatives at a *non-at-issue* level of meaning. We show that by treating this non-at-issue level as a *presupposition*, this theory resolves a number of empirical challenges faced by the old formulation of "exh" (as well as by standard neo-Gricean theories). The empirical challenges include projection of scalar implicatures from certain embedded environments (‘some under some’ sentences), their restricted distribution under negation, and the existence of common ground-mismatching and oddness-inducing implicatures. We argue that these puzzles have a uniform solution given a "pex"-based theory of implicatures and independently motivated principles concerning presupposition projection and the conditions and constraints under which they may be locally and globally accommodated. ------------------------------------------------------------- [MAIN CHANGES COMPARED TO PREVIOUS VERSION: (i) Restructuring of the paper's themes; (ii) renaming "p-exh" as "pex"; (iii) discussion of the nature of the non-at-issue status of the inference contributed by pex.]
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004821
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Under Review
keywords: scalar implicatures, exhaustification, presuppositions, oddness, some-under-some, semantics
previous versions: v4 [October 2019]
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