Decomposing and deducing the Coordinate Structure Constraint
Hiromune Oda
September 2019
 

In this paper, I show that the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) can be violated in a number of languages, and propose that the CSC should be separated into two conditions: (i) the ban on extraction of a conjunct, and (ii) the ban on extraction out of a conjunct. This means that the whole coordinate structure (ConjP) and each conjunct are islands independently of each other. I also argue that languages that allow extraction of a conjunct constitute a natural class, and provide a phase-based account of cross-linguistic variation regarding the CSC under a particular contextual approach to phases. Moreover, I address the long-standing debate on where in the grammar the CSC applies, arguing that the two different conditions (i) and (ii) that result from the separation of the traditional CSC are deduced from different mechanisms in the architecture of the grammar: one is a purely syntactic condition, and the other is an interface condition.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004792
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: submitted
keywords: coordinate structure constraint, coordination, anti-locality, contextual approach to phasehood, structural parallelism, left-branch extraction, syntax
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