A Note on Huave Morpheme Ordering: Local Dislocation or Generalized U20?
Hilda Koopman
August 2015
 

This paper addresses the question whether postsyntactic ordering mechanism that rearrange morpheme orders (as local dislocation in distributed morphology (DM) can be dispensed with, with morpheme orders following from the syntactic derivation. It does so by testing the Huave dataset of Embick and Noyer (2007) which served to motivate postsyntactic local dislocation. It develops an analysis in an antisymmetric framework with no postsyntactic rules, building on the results of Cinque’s 2005 work on Universal 20 patterns (patterns which generalize to other syntactic hierarchies (Cinque 2009). The local dislocation analysis is shown to have to take as its input a syntactic representation that must be rejected on Huave internal grounds as well as on universal grounds. The U20 approach is shown to yield the patterns of grammaticality and ungrammaticality directly on the basis of the primary evidence and an independently motivated hierarchy. The U20 approach further makes a prediction about what can vary (the data seems to be underdetermined as to the relative order of merge), and shows how allowing the location of merge to vary, directly captures dialectal variation in morpheme orders of two Huave dialects.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004464
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Sengupta et al. Perspectives on the Architecture and Acquisition of Syntax Essays in Honor of R. Amritavalli. Springer 2017.
keywords: syntax, morphology, dm, local dislocation, antisymmetry, universal 20
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