Cross-clausal A-dependencies
Susi Wurmbrand
October 2018
 

This paper provides an overview of case and agreement dependencies that are established across clause-boundaries, such as raising to subject or object and cross-clausal agreement. It is shown that cross-clausal A-dependencies (CCAs) in several languages can apply across finite and non-finite clause boundaries, in particular across CPs, which poses a challenge to the traditional 'truncation' approach to CCAs according to which CCAs are restricted to reduced (CP-less) complements. Surveying the cross-linguistic properties of CCAs, it is observed that i. CCAs occur in contexts that do not allow clause reduction/restructuring; ii. configurations allowing clause reduction do not necessarily allow CCAs; iii. the embedded clauses can be true, non-deficient CPs; iv. regular structural case is available in these complements; v. movement to the matrix clause is not a necessary condition for CCAs; and vi. CCAs show several semantic and pragmatic restrictions which differ across languages. The direction proposed to bring all of the observed properties together is to maintain a universal improper A-after-A′ constraint, but allow certain positions in certain CPs to qualify as A-positions from which further A-dependencies can be established.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004283
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: CLS Proceedings
keywords: case, agreement, (hyper) ecm, (hyper) raising, long-distance agreement, improper movement, clause size, restructuring, attitude complements, major subject, composite probes, syntax
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