Feature Gluttony
Jessica Coon, Stefan Keine
April 2020
 

This paper develops a new approach to a family of hierarchy effect-inducing configurations, with a focus on Person Case Constraint (PCC) effects, dative-nominative configurations, and copula constructions. The main line of approach in the recent literature is to attribute these effects to failures of phi-Agree or, more specifically, failures of nominal licensing or case checking. We propose that the problem in these configurations is unrelated to nominal licensing, but is instead the result of a probe participating in more than one Agree dependency, a configuration we refer to as feature gluttony. Feature gluttony does not in and of itself lead to ungrammaticality, but rather can create irresolvably conflicting requirements for subsequent operations. We argue that in the case of clitic configurations, a probe which agrees with more than one DP creates an intervention problem for clitic-doubling. In violations involving morphological agreement, gluttony in features may result in a configuration with no available morphological output.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/004224
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Linguistic Inquiry (to appear)
keywords: hierarchy effects, agree, pcc, person licensing condition, cyclic agree, morphology, syntax
previous versions: v5 [February 2020]
v4 [July 2019]
v3 [July 2019]
v2 [October 2018]
v1 [September 2018]
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