Constraints on multiple specifiers
Andrew Murphy
March 2018

This paper presents three examples of multiple fronting constructions in which creation of a second specifier is blocked for movement steps that also involve sub-extraction from NP. It is argued that these can be accounted for by assuming a violable constraint against multiple specifiers in the grammar. This constraint will be shown to interact with Left-Branch Extraction in Slavic, quantifier stranding in Korean and correlative fronting in Hindi to produce cumulative effects with multiple fronting. It will be demonstrated that these effects can be accounted for by extending the framework of Serial Harmonic Grammar to syntax. Furthermore, a strictly derivational approach to cumulative effects will be shown to successfully account for the observed asymmetries between subjects and objects.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003927
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Ms. Universit├Ąt Leipzig
keywords: multiple fronting, left-branch extraction, stranding, cumulativity, syntax
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