E-type readings of quantifiers under ellipsis: consequences for the identity condition
Patrick D. Elliott, Yasutada Sudo
April 2016

It is observed that quantifiers in ellipsis antecedents systematically give rise to two different readings in the ellipsis site, which we call Q- and E-type readings. Contrary to previous studies, we show that both readings are attested under both sluicing and VP ellipsis, although their availability is constrained by independent discourse requirements. Our findings have theoretical consequences for ellipsis licensing, in particular, for the identity condition on ellipsis. Focusing here on sluicing, we put forward a dynamic semantic formulation of the identity condition in terms of mutual dynamic entailment, which we call d-GIVENness.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/003069
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 20 (to appear)
keywords: dynamic semantics, ellipsis, vp ellipsis, sluicing, anaphora, quantification, semantics
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