Markedness and Coda Conditions in Azeri
Vahideh Rasekhi
June 2015

This paper investigates how the neutralization of place contrasts in codas in Azeri. The results show that the data are consistent with the proposed major place of articulation markedness hierarchies by Lombardi (2002) and de Lacy (2005, 2006). The unpermitted coda consonants surface as glottals, which have the least marked place of articulation. However, when the realization of glottals is blocked by a high-ranking faithfulness constraint, coronals surface. Moreover, alveolar affricates surface as post alveolar fricatives, contrary to the claim that [+anterior] is universally less marked than [-anterior]. Based on the evidence from Azeri, Pali, Indonesian, and European Portuguese, we show that there is no universal markedness relationship between [-anterior] and [+anterior].
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/002878
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Proceedings of the 10th Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics (WAFL10), eds. Theodore Levin and Ryo Masuda. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 87:229-240.
keywords: markedness, coda conditions, neutralization, azeri, phonology
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