Dispelling the Cloud of Unknowing
Chris Collins, Paul Postal
December 2015
 

Collins and Postal (2014) present an argument for a syntactic analysis of Classical NEG Raising based on what they dub Horn clauses (see Horn 1975: 238), illustrated by the italicized clause in (i): (i) I don’t think that ever before have the media played such a major role in a kidnapping. The analysis proposed strongly supports certain assumptions and conclusions in Collins and Postal (2014) including the existence of NEG deletion and the idea that NPIs are properly analyzed as negative phrases (contrary to mainstream analyses of NPIs). Horn (2014) develops a critique of Collins and Postal’s Horn clause argument based on properties of a nonfactive use of the verb know (and a few other similarly behaving predicates). This paper is a reply to Horn’s critique. After showing that Horn (2014) fails to account for the fact that Horn clauses are a subset of clauses manifesting Negative Inversion, we offer an alternative account of the basic data in Horn (2014). We show how this new treatment is consistent with the syntactic account of Classical NEG Raising in Collins and Postal (2014).
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/002269
(please use that when you cite this article)
keywords: classical neg raising, horn clauses, quasi-horn clauses, islands, negative inversion, negation, negative polarity items, neg deletion, non-factive know, parentheticals, syntax
previous versions: v2 [June 2015]
v1 [November 2014]
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