There is no island repair
Matthew Barros, Patrick D. Elliott, Gary Thoms
May 2014

In this article we argue against the proposal that island violations are repaired by ellipsis. Building on Merchant (2001), we argue that ellipsis sites allow for a number of non-isomorphic construals which give rise to the illusion of island repair; when these non-isomorphic construals are controlled for and island violating construals are forced for the ellipsis sites, island effects emerge. We show that repair and non-repair effects are attested with both sluicing, which is widely assumed to be island-insensitive, and fragment answers which are widely assumed to be island-sensitive, and we show that only the evasion approach can account for the whole set of facts. We therefore reject the proposal that island conditions are fundamentally phonological in nature and conclude that islands provide a strong argument for theories of ellipsis which posit that ellipsis sites contain syntactic structure.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/002100
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: submitted
keywords: islands; ellipsis; sluicing; fragment answers; repair, syntax
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