You have the right to remain silent: The syntactic licensing of ellipsis
Lobke Aelbrecht
June 2009

This dissertation provides a theory of ellipsis licensing in terms of Agree. The head selecting the ellipsis site has to be checked against the category feature of an ellipsis licensing head in order for ellipsis to take place. Moreover, I argue that ellipsis - i.e. sending part of the structure to PF for non-pronunciation - happens as soon as this checking relation is established. At that point, the ellipsis site becomes inaccessible for further syntactic operations. This theory allows me to explain the limited extraction data with an elliptical phenomenon I call Dutch modals complement ellipsis or MCE, as well as in British English 'do'. It can, however, also be applied to phenomena that do not display such restricted extraction out of the ellipsis site, such as sluicing, VP ellipsis and pseudogapping. Hence, this dissertation is a next step towards a unified analysis of ellipsis.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/000904
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: unpublished doctoral dissertation
keywords: ellipsis, licensing, extraction, modals, syntax
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