Non-Redundancy: Towards A Semantic Reinterpretation of Binding Theory
Philippe Schlenker
January 2005
 

In generative grammar, Binding Theory is traditionally considered a part of syntax, in the sense that some derivations that would otherwise be interpretable are ruled out by purely formal principles. Thus 'John[i] likes him[i]' would in standard semantic theories yield a perfectly acceptable interpretation; it is only because of Condition B that the sentence is deviant on its coreferential reading. We explore an alternative in which some binding-theoretic principles (esp. Condition C, Condition B, a modified version of the Locality of Variable Binding argued for in Kehler 1993 and Fox 2000, and Weak and Strong Crossover) follow from the interpretive procedure - albeit a somewhat non-standard one. In a nutshell, these principles are taken to reflect the way in which sequences of evaluation are constructed in the course of the interpretation of a sentence. The bulk of the work is done by a principle of Non-Redundancy, which prevents any object from appearing twice in any given sequence of evaluation. The analysis includes an account of anaphora with split antecedents and disjoint reference effects.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/000215
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Natural Language Semantics 13, 1: 1-92, 2005
keywords: binding, anaphora, semantics
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