On The Coordinate Structure Constraint, Across-the-Board-Movement, Phases, and Labeling
Zeljko Boskovic
February 2018
 

The paper deduces a modified version of the traditional ban on extraction out of conjuncts (CSC) based on the claim that conjuncts are phases which also captures the across-the-board-movement (ATB) exception and a number of additional cases where extraction out of conjuncts is shown to be possible in violation of the CSC (in particular, left-branch extraction in Serbo-Croatian, r-pronoun movement in Dutch, V-2 movement in German, clitic doubling in Dutch and Romance, quantifier float in Japanese, article-incorporation in Galician, and object shift in English). Based on these cases the paper shows that the CSC holds only for successive-cyclic movement, as in *Who did you see [t friends of t] and Sue: elements that are base-generated at the edge of a conjunct, or move there independently of successive-cyclic movement, can extract. It is also shown that ATB can license an additional extraction out of a conjunct in violation of the CSC. The discussion in the paper also leads to establishment of a new type of ATB, where movement out of each conjunct takes place but it is not the same element that is extracted out of each conjunct but different elements. Additionally, the paper shows that unlabeled elements do not count as interveners, a rather natural generalization given the nature of intervention effects, where features of the intervener matter (projecting features requires projecting a label). The discussion in the paper also sheds light on the ban on local wh-movement from SpecTP to SpecCP which is argued to require a return to split IP: it is shown that subjects undergoing wh-movement cannot move to the highest projection in the split IP even when the next step of movement is not SpecCP.
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Reference: lingbuzz/003894
(please use that when you cite this article)
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keywords: across-the-board movement, coordinate structure constraint, labels, phases, split ip, successive-cyclic movement, syntax
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