Severing maximality from "fewer than": Evidence from genericity
Brian Buccola
April 2016

This paper presents new evidence suggesting that the downward entailingness of a quantifier like "fewer than four men" is due not simply to the lexical meaning of the quantifier, but also to a separate, and in principle optional, maximization operation that occurs in the scope of the quantifier, a decomposition already posited for independent reasons in Spector 2014.
Format: [ pdf ]
Reference: lingbuzz/002847
(please use that when you cite this article)
Published in: Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 20
keywords: quantification, plurality, modified numerals, distributivity, collectivity, genericity, semantics
previous versions: v1 [January 2016]
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