NEG-shift in English. Evidence from PP-adjuncts
Karen De Clercq
August 2010

Negative PP adjuncts can give rise to sentential negation (SN) as in (1), or constituent negation (CN), as in (2). Some PPs can trigger either SN or CN, as in (3). (1) On no account could she move to Paris. (SN) (2) In no time, Jules had stolen the money. (CN) (3) Mary looks attractive with no clothes. (SN/CN) A fact that has so far gone unnoticed is that SN PP-adjuncts are generally poor in clause final position, i.e. to the right of the direct object or prepositional object: (4) *? She could move to Paris on no account. (SN) This paper proposes to account for this restriction by assuming that there is always overt NEG-shift (Christensen 1986; Haegeman 1995; Christensen 2008) for SN PP-adjuncts in English. As such, this paper extends Kayne’s (1998) claim that there is always overt NEG-shift of DP-objects in English and that scopal differences follow from overt movement of n-constituents to SpecPolP. The fact that CN PP-adjuncts do not have to NEG-shift whereas SN PP-adjuncts do, will be attributed to the feature composition of the noun and PP-internal differences. SN PP-adjuncts contain an extra functional projection, LocP (Koopman 2000; Den Dikken 2003; Svenonius 2008) and a [uSpace: _] on N°, both absent in CN PP adjuncts.
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Reference: lingbuzz/001399
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Published in: SICOGG XXII Proceedings
keywords: negation, pps, adjuncts, syntax
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